The platoon sets out on a moonless night to patrol a nearby village where Taliban gunmen are known to lurk.
Though
normally accompanied by their Afghan counterparts, U.S. forces operate
alone on this night. An insider attack that killed two U.S. officers
just a day earlier in a nearby province prompts forces at Forward
Operation Base (FOB) Connolly to take extra precautions. Because of the
threat of follow-up attacks, patrols with Afghan soldiers and police are
temporarily suspended.
Operating alone, troops approach a
high-walled compound and halt. Through their interpreter, they alert
anyone inside that U.S. forces are in their midst. Moments later,
gunfire erupts from the compound. Hundreds of rounds are fired from both
sides and several grenades tossed. No one is killed or wounded.
In
the aftermath of the fight, U.S. forces learn that a member of the
Afghan Local Police (ALP) are inside, along with several others
including women and and elderly man. The men are taken away for
questioning. ALP leaders insist it was a case of mistaken identity and
that their man meant no harm.
Sgt. 1st Class Danny Del Castillo
disagrees. “We called out to them four times,” says Del Castillo,
recalling how they yelled to the men inside, in several languages, to
make sure they knew that American forces were outside. “And they still
shot at us.”
As their deployment winds down, and U.S. forces hand
over FOB Connolly to Afghan forces, soldiers here in Khogyani District
contend that there have been vast improvements to security in the area
with the help of the Afghan National Army and the Uniformed Police. Yet
the insurgency in Nangarhar province persists, as do questions about the
loyalties of the ALP and whether Afghan forces can keep the Taliban
from reclaiming the province.
“I’m hard-pressed to believe it was
confusion and not an opportunity for unsavory individuals” to harms U.S.
troops, says 1st Lt. Josiah Spinelli about the attack on his platoon,
noting several similar experiences during their deployment to Nangarhar,
where opium production continues and Taliban fighters are ever-present.
Just
to the south of FOB Connolly are the infamous Tora Bora mountains where
Osama bin Laden during the initial invasion of Afghanistan. Through
those mountains runs the Wazir Pass, a natural conduit to Pakistan for
readily resupplying Taliban with fighters and arms. Khogyani is said to
be the home of several senior Taliban leaders and 200-300 gunmen from
various factions of the Taliban and other militant groups.
FRUSTRATION AND SUCCESS
Afghan forces throughout the country like those in Khogyani recently
took the final steps toward assuming full security responsibility for
all of Afghanistan. Many smaller bases like Connolly have already been
turned over to the Afghans or shut down and destroyed. The turnovers are
precursors to the end of 2014 drawdown if U.S. combat forces from the
country.
But before handing over FOB Connolly to the Afghans,
soldiers here, along with other from the 1st Brigade Combat Team, 101st
Airborne Division, joined Afghan forces in an operation to the west in
Nangarhar’s Hezerak District. The area is a known haven for the Taliban
that borders two other militant strongholds: Logar province and Kabul
province’s Surobi District. The operation in May — led by Afghan troops —
was touted by U.S. officials as a success “clearing operation” that
robbed the Taliban a foothold in the region to launch attacks on other
parts of Nangarhar, including provincial capital and one of
Afghanistan’s largest cities, Jalalabad.
“It was a big setback for the insurgents in the area,” Maj. Drew Davies says.
However, several officers at FOB Connolly noted that just weeks after the operation the Taliban had returned to Hezerak.
The
Taliban’s return to Hezerak illustrates the difficulty of the fight in
the part of eastern Afghanistan. Company commander Capt. Justin Liesen
says some of the village elders surrounding Connolly remain on the fence
when it comes to choosing between the Taliban and Afghanistan’s central
government, which some resent for destroying opium poppy crops, an
essential to the survival of many Afghans in this area.
“A large
contingent of the population aren’t supporters of GIROA (Government of
the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan) because they lost their livelihood”
to opium eradication operations conducted by Afghan Uniformed Police,
Liesen says.
Still, the captain says his forces made significant
progress in their corner of Nangarhar, having improved the efficacy of
the Afghan forces, particularly its commanders, through constant
training. Liesen notes that at the beginning their deployment some nine
months ago, Afghan forces weren’t particularly eager to join their
American counterparts on patrols. Now, he says, those same Afghan forces
are planning their own missions and executing them without U.S.
soldiers. And despite the recent altercation with the ALP, who are
trained by a small U.S. Special Forces unit, he says that relations
between the Americans and Afghan forces here have improved during their
recently completed tenure at Connolly.
“There are plenty of success,” says Liesen. “There are some frustrations, sure, but there are successes too.”
IMPROVED RELATIONS
Relations between U.S. and Afghan forces at Connolly have not always
been strong. Last year, an Afghan soldier turned his weapon on two U.S.
soldiers here killing them in what has become commonly known as “Green
on Blue” attacks, which have increased in recent years throughout
Afghanistan. The Taliban often takes responsibility for these attacks
and attribute them to their success in infiltrating the Afghan National
Security Forces.
According to several officers, residents of
Khogyani District have been tied to several insider attacks in other
parts of Afghanistan, saddling the region with a dubious reputation.
Since then, relations between the Afghan and American soldiers at Connolly have improved, leaders from both side maintain.
Liesen
notes that the Afghan Army unit that was posted at Connolly during last
year’s insider attack was replaced by the current Kandak (equivalent of
a U.S. Army battalion) and its leaders take seriously the threat of
potential insider attacks.
Shortly after the fatal Green-on-Blue
killings in nearby Paktika province, U.S. and Afghan officers at
Connolly met to discuss the incident, which helps restore a sense of
normalcy to relations.
“I promise you guys it won’t happen here,”
says Afghan Maj. Shafiullah Kohstani to a group of American soldier
advisers known as Security Forces Advise and Assist Team, or SFAAT,
which over the past year has spearheaded the training of Afghan forces
throughout the country in anticipation of the 2014 drawdown.
The
SFAAT at Connolly expresses confidence in the current commander here but
notes previous Afghan officers they considered substandard. “Over our
time here, we’re been able to remove some (Afghan) leaders that weren’t
very good and replace them with much better officers,” Capt. John
Irivine says.
SAFETY CONCERNS
Amid the praise for the Afghan Army and Uniformed Police, concerns
about the reliability and allegiances of ALP in Khogyani and throughout
Afghanistan persist. While the local police force is touted by U.S.
military commanders as the first line of defense against Taliban
incursions into small villages, the ALP have also been criticized for
human rights abuses and corruption rackets that extort rural Afghans for
protection money.
After the ALP was established in Khogyani, they
were regularly targeted by the Taliban, whose senior leaders, including
Mullah Omar, have accused the force of being traitors to Afghanistan.
One of the local police was recently discovered murdered. “There is a
legitimate concern for ALP’s safety,” Spinelli says.
Concerns for
their safety, allegiance and the ethics of the ALP has some wondering
whether it will eventually break down once U.S. troops leave
Afghanistan. Some contend that the ALP will be absorbed by the Taliban,
as some of its ranks are reconciled militants. Anthony Cordesman, a
security expert for the Strategic Center for International Studies, says
the ALP are not integrated into the rest of the Afghan National
Security Forces and are “serving their own special interests.”
“They’ll hold some areas (of Afghanistan) and lose others,” Cordesman says. “The question is: Can they be effective enough?”