The
United States is pressing Arab allies to accelerate efforts to establish an
integrated missile defense network to counter the threat of Iran.
As
tensions swell in the Persian Gulf, the United States is pressing its fractious
Arab allies to accelerate efforts to establish an integrated missile defense
network to counter the threat of Iran's growing ballistic arsenal.
That
would add considerable weight to U.S. anti-missile defenses in the region,
recently reinforced, in any conflict with the Islamic Republic.
It would
also mean, and has already, contracts worth billions of dollars for U.S.
defense companies that are increasingly dependent on export orders amid
stinging cutbacks in U.S. defense spending.
In
recent months, the Pentagon has approved the sale of advanced missile, bomb,
radar, electronic warfare and aircraft systems to gulf Arab states that not so
long ago it would never have allowed, if only because of Israeli opposition.
These
days, the Israelis find themselves sharing a common enemy with Saudi Arabia,
which could partly explain the lack of opposition to the current sales.
A case
in point is the December 2011 sale of two batteries of Lockheed Martin's
Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense anti-missile system to the United Arab
Emirates. That $1.86 billion deal was the first foreign sale of THAAD. Lockheed
Martin says other Gulf Cooperation Council states, most notably Saudi Arabia,
are interested in acquiring THAAD as well.
Others
U.S. missile-makers like Boeing, Raytheon and Northrop Grumman are raring to
go.
Along
with the missile hardware, the gulf monarchies will need state-of-the-art radar
systems to detect missile threats, command and control systems to coordinate
region-wide operations.
U.S.
Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and other
senior members of President Barack Obama's administration met key figures from
the six-member GCC for talks on the missile shield on the sidelines of last
week's U.N. General Assembly.
"It's
the United States' goal, to encourage the GCC countries to develop this missile
defense architecture because ... to truly protect the region through missile
defense it requires a regional approach," a senior U.S. official said.
U.S.
sources said that high-value contracts for U.S. systems are expected from some
of the member states of the GCC -- Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates,
Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain. But they gave no details.
Still,
that will mark a major turnaround. But Iran's ever-growing missile forces --
Israeli analysts say Tehran has an estimated 300-400 ballistic missiles
deployed -- and supposedly ever-improving technology are an obvious spur.
The GCC
states have long talked of setting up such a network along the western shore of
the gulf to counter the perceived threat from Iran on the other side of the
strategic waterway through which flows one-third of the world's seaborne oil
trade.
But
deep-rooted tribal and dynastic differences between the ruling families in the
gulf monarchies have prevented any meaningful progress, or even the pooling of
data.
Even
now, they're still reluctant to embrace multilateral efforts. They can't even
agree where to site the command center for a regional system.
This
explains why all the U.S. missile-defense sales are conducted on a bilateral
basis with the individual GCC states.
Until
recently, only the United Arab Emirates, which has built up formidable air
strength in recent years, has shown any real interest in missile defense. It
has spent an estimated $12 billion on missile defense since 2008.
The
Saudis began moving toward acquiring anti-missile defenses and possibly
coordinating with the Emirates and Kuwait on developing an integrated missile
shield that could mesh with U.S. assets, mainly naval, in the region after the
U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.
Riyadh
spent $1.7 billion in 2011 on upgrading its Raytheon MIM-104 Patriot units and
is now eyeing THAAD.
Kuwait
wants to buy 60 Patriot PAC-3 missiles, the most advanced variant, worth up to
$4.2 billion.
The
toppling of Saddam Hussein, whose military forces had blocked an Iranian to the
GCC states in his 1980-88 war with Iraq, and the subsequent emergence of a
Shiite-dominated government in Baghdad inclined toward Shiite Iran, alarmed the
Gulf Arab states.
The U.S.
military withdrawal from Iraq in December 2010, and U.S. abandonment of a key
ally, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, before he was toppled in February 2011,
deepened fears the Americans might eventually leave the gulf states in the
lurch.

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