A representative of Russia's arms enterprise Almaz-Antey revealed that China
may be the first foreign buyer of its S-400 anti-aircraft missile. Meanwhile,
the Russian government has given its approval for the weapon's export.
The missile has a range of 350-400km, a significant increase on the previous
model S-300, with a range of a little over 100 km, said Du Wenlong, senior
colonel and researcher at the PLA Academy of Military of Science.
With its existing Red Flag series anti-aircraft missiles, the addition of the
S-400 will give China an anti-aircraft system that covers all ranges for the
interception of one or multiple targets at a time, Du said.
The S-400 is capable of interceptions at all ranges and altitudes and can
detonate the warhead of ian ncoming missile at a certain distance. They are also
capable of detonating the remaining fuel in a target to destroy it without
hitting it directly, according to the report.
India will unveil its first home-built anti-submarine warship tomorrow in a move to deter China from conducting underwater patrols near its shores.
Defense Minister Arun Jaitley will commission the 3,300-ton INS Kamorta at the southeastern Vishakapatnam port. The move comes a week after Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced the largest indigenously built guided-missile destroyer and vowed to bolster the country’s defenses so “no one dares to cast an evil glance at India.”
India is playing catch-up to China, which built 20 such warships in the past two years and sent a nuclear submarine to the Indian Ocean in December for a two-month anti-piracy patrol. The waters are home to shipping lanes carrying about 80 percent of the world’s seaborne oil, mostly headed to China and Japan.
“As China grows into a naval, maritime power, it will be more and more active in the Indian Ocean,” Taylor Fravel, a professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology who studies China’s ties with its neighbors, said by phone. “Of course, it will not be due to some hostility or targeted at India, but because of its economic interests in the Indian Ocean, as a lot of trade passes through. Such a presence will certainly raise questions in India, but it need not necessarily be a cause of major conflict.”
Warship Plans
India has lacked anti-submarine corvettes in its 135-warship fleet for more than a decade now, with the decommissioning of the last of the 10-ship Petya-class of 1960s-vintage Soviet corvettes in December 2003. It plans to build 42 more warships, including three more anti-submarine corvettes, over the next decade, according to Rear Admiral A.B. Singh, an Indian navy official.
About 90 percent of Kamorta’s components are local, with the hull developed by Steel Authority of India Ltd., medium-range guns by Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd. and torpedo launchers by Larsen & Toubro Ltd, India’s largest engineering company. The ship is two years behind schedule, according to Commodore B.B. Nagpal, the navy’s principal director for naval design.
“It’s a beef up of the Indian Navy’s anti-submarine warfare capabilities against Chinese submarines,” Rear Admiral Raja Menon, a retired Indian official, said by phone, referring to the Kamorta, which is named after an Indian island that was a convict settlement in the 1800s.
Even so, he said, “Indian warship building is not comparable to an aggressively modernizing Chinese navy. There is no way we can match China’s efforts.”
China Surge
China has built 20 Jiangdao-class anti-submarine corvettes since February 2013, when it unveiled the first one. At least 10 more will join the Chinese naval service in the coming months, according to data from IHS Jane’s.
China’s Jiangdao-class anti-submarine ships are about half the size of the Kamorta and designed to operate in shallow water, said Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha, a retired Indian navy officer. The Indian ship can store helicopters on board and possesses surface warfare and air defense capabilities, he said.
Jaitley, who’s also India’s finance minister, eased rules for foreign investment in the nation’s defense sector and raised spending 12 percent in the current fiscal year to help modernize the armed forces.
China spent $188 billion on defense in 2013, about four times more than India, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
Energy Needs
China has at least 52 submarines in its fleet, including three nuclear-missile vessels and three operating on nuclear power, the U.S. Congressional Research Service said in July, citing Jane’s Fighting Ships 2013-2014 and previous editions. India has a fleet of 14 diesel-electric submarines and a Russian-origin nuclear-powered submarine, according to the Indian Navy.
Chinese warships voyaged to the Gulf of Aden for the first time to join anti-piracy patrols in December 2008, two months after India deployed its warships in that role, and have since maintained a presence there. About half of China’s oil imports pass through the Strait of Hormuz and three-quarters of Japan’s, according to data from the Observer Research Foundation.
China’s growth means its future energy needs can be met only by supplies from the Gulf region, Africa and North America, according to a 2010 study from the U.S. Defense Department. Such supply points will keep China reliant on maritime transport even as it seeks to develop pipelines to avoid sensitive sea routes such as the Strait of Malacca, it said.
China reportedly signed two military sale frameworks with Moscow, of which
Russia will jointly build four Amur-Class AIP submarines with China and sell
them to the country while China will buy 24 Su-35 fighters from Russia, reports
Sina's military news portal.
It is the first major military procurement China has made with Russia in 10
years, said the report. China needs submarines to counter threats from India's
fleet and build a fleet to resist America's influence, said the Voice of Russia,
the Russian government's international radio broadcasting service. A manager for
a Russian national defense export company said Moscow and Beijing have been
negotiating over submarine technologies. China has not revealed how many
submarines it wants to buy and has not scheduled to sign a supply contract.
It is natural for India and China to show interest in Russia's Amur-Class
submarines, said a retired Russian Navy general named Sivkov. The submarine is
superior to the export version of China's 877 submarine and China would want the
Amur-Class vessel since India has them. The Russian submarine can also
effectively fight against American submarines and destroy Los Angeles and
Virginia-class nuclear-powered submarines from long distances. Since it produces
little noise underwater, American submarines cannot detect the its presence. The
characteristic allow the submarine to make fire warning shots or destroy enemy
ships effectively during real battles.
Although the Amur-Class submarine can attack multiple targets on land, it
cannot carry an anti-guided missile system. China does not own any
submarine-based anti-missile systems as of now.
India's defense ministry made emergency orders over concerns of the country's
declining defense capabilities. India has skipped the bidding process and
ordered two diesel-electric Amur-Class submarines 677 from Russia to enhance its
sea combat capabilities.
Currently China owns 60-plus submarines while India has 14 with a leased
Russian-made nuclear-powered submarine Nerpa since 2012. The vessel is superior
to Chinese submarines since it produces far less noise, said Russian experts. He
believes China will not wage a war against India now even though the Chinese
fleet has greater combat power than India's. China considers its fleet as a
force against America and does not feel threatened by India.
To strengthen the fighting and power projection capabilities of its air
force, China is currently testing nine different new types of aircraft,
according to the Canada-based Kanwa Defense Review.
One of those aircraft is China's first fifth-generation stealth fighter, the
J-20. Photos released on a Chinese military website indicate that the J-20 is a
multirole fighter designed for both aerial combat and ground attack because of
its longer and larger build than Russian fighters such as the Su-33 and Su-37.
China is testing the avionic system of J-20 through attaching its radar to a
Russian-built Tu-204 passenger plane.
Another four — the J-10B, J-11B, J-16 and J-15 — are fourth-generation
fighters for China's air force and navy. Tactical bombers such as the JH-7A and
JH-7B are being examined as well. The J-16 has already gone through test flights
for three years. To shorten the process, Shenyang Aircraft Corporation has
decided to modify the aircraft's weapon systems. After the J-20 and J-31 begin
service, their the J-16's primary mission will be to provide close air support
for ground forces.
The Y-20 medium transport and KJ-500 early warning aircraft are the last two
military aircraft currently being tested in China. The KJ-500 is being tested by
Xi'an Aircraft Industry Corporation at the Yanliang airport. Unlike its
prodecessor, the KJ-200, the KJ-500 is designed based on the Y-9 cargo plane.
The official name of this new early warning aircraft has not yet been confirmed
in China
To create its first blue-water navy, China plans to construct a total of 10
domestic aircraft carriers according to the Kanwa Defense Review, a
Chinese-language military magazine operated by Andrei Chang also known as
Pinkov, a military analyst from Canada.
After Admiral Jonathan Greenert, the US chief of naval operations, visited
China's first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, a refitted Soviet-era carrier
purchased from Ukraine, the blueprint of the nation's first domestic carrier is
nearly complete, according to Kanwa. Greenert said China is speeding up the
construction of its second aircraft carrier and even predicted the vessel will
enter service in the near future.
Richard Fisher, a military expert from US thinktank the International
Assessment and Strategy Center, said China may have between four and five
aircraft carriers in active service by 2030. This number may eventually increase
to 10 in the next few decades. Greenert said, however, that the gap between US
and Chinese aircraft carriers is still large. While a US carrier is capable of
launching and retrieving 100 aircraft simultaneously, a Chinese aircraft carrier
can only operate 10.
Before the PLA Navy is able to put its aircraft carriers into action, a great
deal of work has to be done, Greenert said, adding however that China has
achieved much in a very short period of time. Kanwa reported that China has
acquired blueprints for a Soviet-era nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, also from
Ukraine.
Quoting from the Singapore-based Straits Times, the article said that China's
first domestically built aircraft carrier will be able to carry 50 J-15B
carrier-based fighters and other aircraft such as the K-8 or the Z-8 early
warning helicopters. In the future, between 25 and 27 stealth fighters such as
the J-20 or the J-31 may serve aboard the Chinese aircraft carriers to replace
the J-15, the PLA's current carrier-based fighter.
The article said China has great ambitions to build a navy which is stronger
than the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force.
China will increase military spending by 12.2 percent this year to 808.23 billion yuan, the government said on Wednesday, partly to beef up coastal and air defences and to develop more high-tech weapons.
The government announced its spending plan for the 2.3 million-strong People's Liberation Army (PLA) at the opening of parliament's annual meeting. The increase builds on a nearly unbroken run of double-digit hikes in the defence budget for the past two decades.
"We will comprehensively enhance the revolutionary nature of the Chinese armed forces, further modernise them and upgrade their performance, and continue to raise their deterrence and combat capabilities in the information age," Premier Li Keqiang told the largely rubber-stamp legislature.
Li added that China would "strengthen research on national defence and the development of new- and high-technology weapons and equipment" and "enhance border, coastal and air defences".
China's military spending is now second only to that of the United States, allowing Beijing to create a modern force that is projecting power deep into the disputed waters of the East and South China Seas.
Much military spending takes place outside the budget, however, and many experts estimate real outlays are closer to $200 billion. The U.S. Defense Department's base budget for fiscal 2014 is $526.8 billion.
At a time when Washington has stepped up its military presence in the region as part of a strategic "pivot" toward Asia, China is building new submarines, surface ships and anti-ship ballistic missiles, and has tested emerging technology aimed at destroying missiles in mid-air.
It carried out the first test flight of a stealth fighter jet in 2011 and has put a refurbished aircraft carrier to sea.
Nevertheless, experts say it could be decades before China's military is a match for America's armed forces.
David Helvey, U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense for East Asia, told a U.S. Senate committee hearing on Tuesday that the Pentagon was seeking to build "healthy" ties with China's military, but said Beijing needed to be more transparent about its armed forces buildup.
"We remain concerned about a lack of transparency regarding China's growing military and its increasingly assertive behaviour in the maritime domain," Helvey said.
China has repeatedly said the world has nothing to fear from its military spending, which it says is needed for legitimate defensive purposes.
Its neighbours, however, have become increasingly nervous about Beijing's expanding military, and the latest double-digit rise could reinforce disquiet in the region.
China and Japan have locked horns over uninhabited rocky islands each claims in the East China Sea.
Beijing also claims 90 percent of the 3.5 million sq km (1.35 million sq mile) South China Sea, which is believed to be rich in oil and gas. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan claim parts of those waters.
The United States last month said it was concerned that China's maritime claims in the South China Sea were an effort to gain creeping control of oceans in the Asia-Pacific region.
The Moscow-based Military Parade has revealed more details on China's
mysterious indigenous aircraft carriers currently under construction in Dalian
and Shanghai.
In an report on Feb. 28, the Russian website said that the first vessel —
known as 001A and designed by the China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation — is
being built in Dalian in northeast China's Liaoning province and will be
equipped with a steam catapult. The new carrier is expected to have a greater
tonnage than China's first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, which was originally
a Soviet-era Admiral Kuznetsov-class aircraft carrier purchased from Ukraine in
1998.
The second vessel — known as 002 — under construction at Jiangnan shipyard on
Shanghai's Changxing island, will be designed as China's first nuclear-powered
aircraft carrier, the report said. The size of the 002 will be similar to the
USS Kitty Hawk with a tonnage of 61,351, and will be 5% larger than the
001A.
Both vessels have been designed based on blueprints of the unfinished Soviet
Ulyanovsk-class aircraft carrier, according to Military Parade. The 002 will be
fitted with four steam catapults, while the 001A will only have two. The 001A is
likely to be named after the northeastern province of Shandong, following in
line with the Liaoning, which was also named after a Chinese province.
The Shandong aircraft carrier may begin its service with the PLA Navy as soon
as 2018, the report said, adding that China plans to build a total four aircraft
carriers. Once completed, the PLA Navy would be able to establish four carrier
battle groups to expand its maritime influence in the South China Sea and
Western Pacific.
China has begun developing the world's most accurate cruise missiles with the
ability to hit targets in Japan as well as US military bases, according to a recent
report published by the Washington-based Project 2049 Institute.
In the article titled
China's Evolving Reconnaissance-Strike Capabilities, author Ian Easton claims
that after many years of efforts, China has acquired a considerable amount of
cruise missile systems, including the PLA Second Artillery Force's
ground-launched Changjian-10 or Long Sword (CJ-10) land attack cruise missiles
(LACMs), the PLA Navy's ground- and ship-launched Yingji-62 "Eagle
Strike" anti-ship cruise missile, and the PLA Air Force's Yingji-63 and
CJ-20 LACMs.
With up to 500
missiles deployed on 40-55 road-mobile, tri-canister launchers in the Second
Artillery Force, China's strategic CJ-10 LACM may be of particular concern to
US and Japanese defense planners, the report said, as the missile's range of
over 1,500 kilometers can theoretically place all of Japan's main islands under
threat.
The report added
that the PLA Navy's 100 JH-7 fighter bombers and 30 H-6M maritime bombers are
armed with anti-ship cruise missiles which also have a strike radius of more
than 1,500km, while the PLA Air Force has a small number of H-6K bombers that
could strike as far as the US territory of Guam.
The advanced
missiles have significant tactical and strategic meaning, the report said, as
cruise missiles are technologically challenging to defend against compared to
ballistic missiles because they can strike from any angle and fly at low
altitudes.
China would have a geographic advantage over the US if it engages in a military conflict with Taiwan or Japan, and its long-range missiles could strike
American vessels and air bases before they would be able to project power into
the region, the report added.
"Initially,
the only theater ballistic missile in the PLA arsenal that could reach Japan
was the medium-range Dongfeng-21C (DF-21C)," the report said, but
according to Taiwanese intelligence officials the PLA has also begun deploying
the DF-16, a new medium-range ballistic missile for
"counter-intervention" missions.
According to the
report, the US Department of Defense assessed that the PLA is developing
intermediate-range ballistic missiles with ranges of up to 5,000 km, meaning
they could eventually threaten Guam, the Marianas, Palau, northern Australia,
Alaska and US bases in the Middle East. If the Chinese program is successful,
even Hawaii and the west coast of the US could be threatened by ICBMs by the
early-to-mid 2020s, the report said.
China's first mass production
J-16 fighter — with the serial number 1602 — conducted its first test flight
recently, reports the Hong Kong-based Wen Wei Po, citing a photo revealed on a
Chinese military enthusiast website.
The difference
between the mass production J-16 and the prototype aircraft with the serial
number 1601 is that the former does not have an airspeed tube. The number 0102
indicated on the engine intake of the 1602 also shows that the number of J-16s
produced may be limited, the paper said. Meanwhile, it is possible that units
of PLA Air Force or Navy Air Force may already be equipped with the some of the
advanced fighters, designed based on the Chinese J-11, for operational tests.
After the
Zhuhai Air Show in southern China's Guangdong province in 2012, a
number of Western military analysts said that China has devoted massive
resources to developing the precision attack capability of its air force.
Unlike the J-11, which was mainly designed for aerial combat, the J-16 can now
carry munitions and missiles for ground attack missions, Wen Wei Po said. The
fighter is also capable of carrying more ground attack munitions than any other
type of fighter in China.
In addition,
the J-16 is also equipped with active electronically scanned array radar and a
helmet mounted display and sight system. This new fighter-bomber is likely to
fill a gap between China's fourth-generation
fighter and fifth-generation stealth fighters in the future, the paper said
The J-20, China's prototype first
fifth-generation stealth fighter, may have better ground attack capability than
its US counterpart, a report
from the Beijing Sina Military Network said after a photo of the newest version
of the aircraft was released on the internet.
Judging from
the photo of a J-20 with the serial number 2011, Sina Military Network said the
electro-optical targeting system seen below the nose indicates that the fighter
is designed mainly for ground attack. This is a similar design to American
stealth fighters such as the F-22 and F-35. With stealth capability, the
article said that J-20 can be a perfect bomber when used against a ground
target.
Most missions
carried out by American fighters such as the F-16 Falcon or F-15E Strike Eagle
in Afghanistan and Iraq are against ground
targets. The F-22 is also designed with the capability to attack ground targets
with joint direct attack munitions and small diameter bombs. However, the F-22
may still be detected by enemy radar while tracking a moving ground target as
its radar releases electromagnetic radiation.
After all 35
satellites of the second phase of China's Beidou Navigation
System are sent into orbit, the J-20 will be able to launch precision attacks
against ground targets like the F-22 as well, Sina Military Network said.
Noting that the J-20 can carry four air-to-air missiles, the article also
indicated that China is developing its own
joint direct attack munitions and small diameter bombs for the stealth fighter.
The J-20 can
carry a payload of up to 24 small diameter bombs compared to the F-22, which
can carry about eight, Sina Military Network said. If the electro-optical
targeting system can be used by fourth-generation fighters like the Su-30 and
J-10, this would enhance the ground attack capability for these fighters from a
longer distance, the report said.
Philippine President Benigno Aquino vowed Monday to acquire fighter
jets, air defense radar and other equipment within three years to
bolster the country’s weak air force, amid a territorial dispute with
China.
“I assure you that before I step down from office, our
skies will be guarded by modern air assets,” he said in a speech during a
visit at an air base in Clark, north of Manila. The speech was
broadcast live on radio and television.
Among these are “lead-in
fighters, long-range patrol aircraft, close-air-support aircraft,” as
well as transport planes, attack- and multi-use helicopters, air defense
radar and flight simulators.
He gave no details of the aircraft and equipment, nor the terms for their acquisition.
In
January, an Aquino spokesman announced the government would buy 12
South Korean FA-50 fighter jets to be used for “training, interdiction
and disaster response.”
The Philippines, a former US colony, retired the last of its US-designed F-5 fighters in 2005 and lacks air defense.
Aquino,
whose six-year term ends in mid-2016, has set about modernizing the
military in his first three years in office as tensions rise with China
over overlapping territorial claims to islands and waters in the South
China Sea.
The main focus was initially the navy with the acquisition of two Hamilton-class cutters decommissioned by the US Coast Guard.
The
first of the two refurbished vessels became the Philippine Navy’s
flagship in 2011, replacing a warship initially built for the US Navy in
World War II.
The second cutter is set to arrive in the Philippines later this year.
Aquino
said Monday he was committed to reversing the under-spending on
military capability that he said had characterized the Philippines since
the early 1990s.
“Over the past decades the air force had its wings broken and we relied on old and rickety planes and equipment,” he said.
Parliament
has since authorized the defense department to spend 75 billion pesos
(US $1.7 billion) on modernizing the military over the next five years,
Aquino added.
This is on top the more than 19 billion pesos that it had spent over the past three years for this purpose.
Between 1992 and 2010, the Philippines spent just 33 billion pesos for military modernization, Aquino said.
US troops trained their Philippine counterparts how to use
surveillance drones Friday, as Manila seeks to boost military ties with
Washington and counter what it perceives as a rising security threat
from China.
The naval exercises are part of annual training
operations between the two defense partners, but they have come under
closer scrutiny this year due to simmering tensions between Manila and
Beijing over rival claims to the South China Sea.
At a naval base
around 13 kilometers (eight miles) southwest of the capital Manila, US
Navy SEALs taught Filipino soldiers how to use small unmanned aerial
vehicles (UAVs), or drones, launching one from a boat at sea. It circled
the base and landed in the water.
US maritime civil affairs
officer Jeremy Eden said these were the smaller “Puma” drones used only
for surveillance and not the more lethal, armed versions employed in
Afghanistan.
“They (the Filipinos) are very interested and highly
motivated to learn and if they acquire the systems, they will use them
effectively,” Eden said.
The drones would be useful for the
poorlyequipped Philippine military, which faces both internal
insurgencies and potential external threats, said Lt. Jojit Fiscar, a
senior coordinator of the naval exercises.
“This would be a very
good instrument to use. This unmanned aerial vehicle can monitor the
actual movement of the targets,” he said.
US and Philippine troops
also practiced marksmanship and piloting small rubber boats that are
frequently used by naval commandos.
Military officials from both sides stressed that the exercises had nothing to do with China’s claim to the South China Sea.
But
Philippine Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin reiterated Friday that the
Philippines was looking to give the United States greater access to its
military bases, saying this was needed to respond to China’s threats.
“At
this point in time, we cannot stand alone. We need allies. If we don’t
do this, we will be bullied by bigger powers, and that is what is
happening now: There is China, sitting on our territory,” Gazmin said.
“What are we going to do? Wait till they get into our garage?”
On Thursday, he said the Philippines wanted to give the United States and also Japan greater access to its military bases.
President
Benigno Aquino’s spokeswoman, Abigail Valte, said separately that any
increased US presence would comply with the Philippine constitution.
She also said China should not object. “Whatever we do within our territory... is perfectly within our rights.”
China claims nearly all of the strategically vital South China Sea, even waters close to the shores of its smaller neighbors.
Tensions
between Beijing and other claimants to the sea, particularly the
Philippines and Vietnam, have escalated in recent years amid a series of
Chinese political and military actions to assert its claims to the
waters.
The Philippines said Sunday that an increasing Chinese military and
paramilitary presence in the disputed South China Sea was a threat to
regional peace.
Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert Del
Rosario made the statement in a press release issued at a regional
security forum attended by his counterparts from the 10-member
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China.
“Del Rosario today expressed serious concern over the increasing militarisation of the South China Sea,” the statement said.
He
said there was a “massive presence of Chinese military and paramilitary
ships” at two groups of islets within the Philippines’ exclusive
economic zone called Scarborough Shoal and Second Thomas Shoal.
Del
Rosario described the Chinese military presence at these islets as
“threats to efforts to maintain maritime peace and stability in the
region”.
Del Rosario said the Chinese actions violated a pact made
in 2002 in which rival claimants to the sea pledged not to take any
actions that may increase tensions.
The declaration on conduct
signed by ASEAN nations and China also committed rival claimants to
resolve their disputes “without resorting to the threat or use of
force.”
“We reiterate our continued advocacy for a peaceful and
rules-based settlement of disputes in accordance with universally
recognised principles of international law,” Del Rosario said.
China
claims nearly all of the strategically vital and potentially
resource-rich South China Sea, even waters approaching the coasts of
neighbouring countries.
ASEAN members the Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei and Malaysia, as well as Taiwan, also have competing claims to parts of the sea.
The
rivalries have for decades been a source of regional tension, with
China and Vietnam fighting deadly battles for control of some islands in
the sea.
Tensions have built in recent years with the
Philippines, Vietnam and some other countries expressing concern at
increasingly assertive Chinese military and diplomatic tactics to assert
control of the sea.
Manila says China has effectively occupied
Scarborough Shoal, a rich fishing ground far closer to Philippine land
than Chinese, for more than a year.
The Philippines says China has
recently also deployed vessels to intimidate a tiny Philippine garrison
on Second Thomas Shoal that has been stationed there since the mid
1990s.
The recent
(April 15th) Chinese incursion inside Indian Kashmir has reminded Indian
military leaders that despite over five years of brave talk and bold
plans not much has actually been accomplished to rectify the shortage of
access to the Indian side of the border. It was this lack of access
that played a key role in the last border war with China (in 1962) which
saw better prepared and supplied Chinese forces wearing down their
brave but ill-supplied Indian opponents. Indians are waking up to the
fact that a repeat of their 1962 defeat is in the making.
Over the last five years India has ordered roads built so that
troops can reach the Chinese border in sufficient strength to stop a
Chinese invasion. The roads have, for the most part, not been built. The
problem is the Indian bureaucracy and its inability to get anything
done quickly, or even on time. The military procurement bureaucracy is
the best, or worst example of this. The military procurement bureaucracy
takes decades to develop and produce locally made gear and often never
delivers. Buying foreign equipment is almost as bad, with corruption and
indecisiveness delaying, and sometimes halting selection and purchase
of needed items.
Despite the bureaucracy some progress has been made. Three
years ago India quietly built and put into service an airfield for
transports in the north (Uttarakhand) near their border with China.
While the airfield can also be used to bring in urgently needed supplies
for local civilians during those months when snow blocks the few roads,
it is mainly there for military purposes in case China invades again.
Uttarakhand is near Kashmir and a 38,000 square kilometer chunk of land
that China seized after a brief war with India in 1962. This airfield
and several similar projects along the Chinese border are all about
growing fears of continued Chinese claims on Indian territory. India is
alarmed at increasing strident Chinese insistence that is owns
northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. This has led to an
increased movement of Indian military forces to that remote area.
India has discovered that a buildup in these remote areas is
easier said than done. Without new roads nothing else really makes much
difference. Airfields require fuel and other supplies to be more than
just another place where an aircraft can land (and not take off if it
needs refueling). Moreover, the Indians found that they were far behind
Chinese efforts. When they took a closer look three years ago, Indian
staff officers discovered that China had improved its road network along
most of their 4,000 kilometer common border. Indian military planners
calculated that, as a result of this network, Chinese military units
could move 400 kilometers a day on hard surfaced roads, while Indian
units could only move half as fast, while suffering more vehicle damage
because of the many unpaved roads. Moreover China had more roads right
up to the border. Building more roads on the Indian side will take
years, once the bureaucratic problems are overcome (which often takes a
decade). The roads are essential to support Indian plans to build more
airfields near the border and stationing modern fighters there. Military
planners found, once the terrain was surveyed and calculations
completed, that it would take a lot more time because of the need to
build maintenance facilities, roads to move in fuel and supplies, and
housing for military families.
All these border disputes have been around for centuries but
became more immediate when India and China fought a short war, up in
these mountains, in 1962. The Indians lost and are determined not to
lose a rematch. But so far, the Indians have been falling farther behind
China. This situation developed because India, decades ago, decided
that one way to deal with a Chinese invasion was to make it difficult
for them to move forward. Thus, for decades, the Indians built few roads
on their side of the border. But that also made it more difficult for
Indian forces to get into the disputed areas. This strategy suited the
Indian inability to actually build roads in these sparsely inhabited
areas.
The source of the current border tension goes back a century
and heated up when China resumed its control over Tibet in the 1950s.
From the end of the Chinese empire in 1912 up until 1949 Tibet had been
independent. But when the communists took over China in 1949, they
sought to reassert control over their "lost province" of Tibet. This
began slowly, but once all of Tibet was under Chinese control in 1959,
China once again had a border with India and there was immediately a
disagreement about exactly where the border should be. That’s because,
in 1914, the newly independent government of Tibet worked out a border
(the McMahon line) with the British (who controlled India). China
considers this border agreement illegal and wants 90,000 square
kilometers back. India refused, especially since this would mean losing
much of the state of Arunachal Pradesh in northeastern India and some
bits elsewhere in the area.
Putting more roads into places like Arunachal Pradesh (83,000
square kilometers and only a million people) and Uttarakhand (53,566
square kilometers and ten million people) will improve the economy, as
well as military capabilities. This will be true of most of the border
area. For decades local civilians along these borders have been asking
for more roads and economic development, but were turned down because of
the now discredited Indian strategy.
All the roads won't change the fact that most of the border is
mountains, the highest mountains (the Himalayas) in the world. So no
matter how much you prepare for war, no one is going very far, very
fast, when you have to deal with these mountains. As the Indians
discovered, the Chinese persevered anyway and built roads and railroads
anyway and now India has to quickly respond in kind or face a repeat of
their 1962 defeat.
Despite the lack of roads India has moved several infantry
divisions, several squadrons of Su-30 fighters, and six of the first
eight squadrons of its new Akash air defense missile systems as close to
the Chinese border as their existing road network will allow. Most of
these initially went into Assam, just south of Arunachal Pradesh, until
the road network is built up sufficiently to allow bases to be
maintained closer to the border. It may be a decade or more before those
roads are built, meaning China can seize Arunachal Pradesh anytime it
wants and there’s not much India can do to stop it.
Undeterred by that the Indian Army has asked for $3.5 billion
in order to create three more brigades (two infantry and one armored) to
defend the Chinese border. Actually, this new force is in addition to
the new mountain corps (of 80,000 troops) nearing approval (at a cost of
$11.5 billion). The mountain corps is to be complete in four years. The
three proposed brigades would be ready in 4-5 years. By the end of the
decade India will have spent nearly five billion dollars on new roads,
rail lines, and air fields near the 4,057 kilometer long Chinese border.
Spending the money is not the same as actually getting the roads and
railroads actually built.
All this is another example of the old saying that amateurs
(and politicians) talk tactics, while professionals talk logistics.
China realized this first and has built 58,000 kilometers of roads to
the Indian border, along with five airbases and several rail lines. Thus
China can move thirty divisions to the border, which is three times
more than India can get to its side of the frontier.
For the first
time China has published data on the exact size of its military
services. The army has a personnel strength of 850,000, the navy has
235,000 and the air force 398,000 (including three airborne divisions,
air defense units and the strategic missiles in the Second Artillery
Force).
The Chinese also released the identification of the major army
units assigned to each of the seven MACs (Military Area Command):
Shenyang (16th, 39th and 40th Combined Corps), Beijing (27th, 38th and
65th Combined Corps), Lanzhou (21st and 47th Combined Corps), Jinan
(20th, 26th and 54th Combined Corps), Nanjing (1st, 12th and 31st
Combined Corps), Guangzhou (41st and 42nd Combined Corps) and Chengdu
(13th and 14th Combined Corps). Each Combined Corps contains two or
more divisions plus independent brigades. In peacetime these units are
used to back up the police in maintaining public order and standing
ready to help when there is a natural disaster. Some units with better equipment and training are designated
as available to quickly go to some border area to deal with an enemy
threat.
These revelations are part of a program to modernize the armed
forces. Most of this information was already available via open sources
and Internet chatter in China. There have been some similar public
relations efforts. Over the last three years, without any fanfare, China
has changed the names of its armed forces. Gone is the PLA (Peoples
Liberation Army) prefix for the navy (PLAN) and air force (PLAAF). It's
now just the Chinese Army, Chinese Navy, and Chinese Air Force. There
are also the Marines of the Chinese Navy. These changes can be seen on
patches worn by Chinese troops operating overseas. These badges show the
symbol representing the service, the name in Chinese and also in
English (the international language, especially in Asia).
Since there was no official announcement, there was no
explanation for why the old PLA prefix was dropped. The PLA was the
original Chinese Communist armed forces, founded in 1927 by the Chinese
Communist Party. This force was initially known as the Chinese Red Army.
After World War II the PLA name was formally adopted for all the
communist armed forces.
Because of this Communist Party connection, and continuing
Chinese efforts to merge with Taiwan (the last territory held by the
non-communist groups that lost the civil war in 1948 and took refuge on
Taiwan), it is believed the "Peoples Liberation" prefix was discarded to
please the "democratic" (as opposed to "communist") Chinese on Taiwan,
as well as all those non-communist neighbors.
For the last two decades China has been working to modernize
its armed forces and eliminating petty (and ineffective) secrecy and
name changes appears to be a minor, but important, part of that
Shanghai Shipbuilding Co. will soon complete construction of three Type
052D destroyers, with sea trials expected to be carried out within
months, according to Chinese military news websites.
The launch
of the three new guided missile destroyers is seen as a warning amid
rising tension between China and its neighbors over disputed islands in
the East China Sea and South China Sea, China's dwnews.com reported.
The
052D destroyer uses a flat-array radar similar to the Aegis system, a
new vertical launching system (VLS), is powered by combustion turbine
engines and has angled surfaces for stealth anti-radar features.
The
report said the vessel is a new multifunction guided missile destroyer
developed based on its predecessor, the Type 052C. The 052D has been
dubbed the "Chinese Aegis," as it is believed to have similar
capabilities to the U.S. Navy's Arleigh Burke-class destroyer.
In
the West, the Aegis system is a distinct, brand-name phased-array
system that allows multiple Aegis-capable warships to share tracking and
targeting data.
The 052D is reportedly equipped with 64 new VLS
for surface-to- air missiles, cruise missiles, anti-ship missiles and
anti-submarine missiles, as well as a new 130mm main gun and a new
Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar system.
Its
layout is similar to that of the 052C, but the superstructure slopes
inward at a greater angle, providing superior stealth capability.
Judged
by its major features, Song Zhongping, a Chinese military analyst,
suggested that the new vessels will serve as the backbone of the the
People's Liberation Army (PLA)'s naval combat fleet.
Friday, 26 April 2013
Every morning at 6am, more than two dozen of the world's leading
submarine watchers, aviation experts, government specialists, imagery
analysts, cryptanalysts, and linguists gather at the headquarters of the
US Pacific Fleet in Hawaii. Their job is to probe the overnight
intelligence reports to guide the activities and strategies of the six
aircraft carrier groups, 180 ships, and 1500 aircraft that patrol the
Pacific and Indian oceans.
The morning meetings are convened by the fleet's top
intelligence officer, Captain James Fanell, and are supposed to cover
activities emanating ''from Hollywood to Bollywood'', as the head of US
Pacific Command, Admiral Samuel Locklear, likes to put it. But the
group never takes long before zeroing in on the country driving the
military and diplomatic ''pivot'' to Asia which was announced by
President Barack Obama in Canberra in November 2011 and which now has
support from almost every maritime nation in east and south-east Asia.
"They are nowhere near as effective as they think they are."
''Every day it's about China; it's about a China who's at the centre of
virtually every activity and dispute in the maritime domain in the east
Asian region,'' said Fanell, reading from prepared remarks at a US Naval
Institute conference in San Diego on January 31.
Fanell spelled out in rare detail the reasons the United States is
shifting 60 per cent of its naval assets to the Pacific, including a
rotation of 2500 marines near Darwin.
He was blunt: The Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy is focused on
war, and it is expanding into the ''blue waters'' explicitly to counter
the US Pacific Fleet. ''My assessment is the PLA Navy has become a very
capable fighting force.'' Some were shocked to hear Fanell detail the
extent and intensity of China's carefully orchestrated maritime
provocations, especially coming from an officer whose job may make him
more of an expert on Beijing's naval manoeuvrings than anyone outside
China. Others wondered whether the Pacific fleet was perhaps lobbying
for a greater share of the US military budget or wider authority to act
by magnifying the threat.
But the question on many minds in Washington , Beijing and
Canberra, is: can China actually fight? And the person most anxious to
learn the answer is China's new leader, Xi Jinping.
The 59-year-old President has stated clearly that the
military is central to his vision for China. ''We must ensure there is
unison between a prosperous country and strong military,'' he said in a
pep talk to sailors on board a guided missile destroyer in December. But
his ambition to have a strong, professional fighting force is greatly
complicated by an even bigger question that has occupied every Communist
Party leader since Mao uttered his famous dictum that ''political power
grows out of the barrel of a gun''. Can Xi be sure that the PLA will
always be loyal to the party, and specifically to him?
Xi may be able to build a military that is either modern and
capable or loyal and political. But many in China believe he can't have
both.
Xi has taken charge at a moment when China has been
surprising the US and shocking neighbours with the speedy development
of new hardware and the aggressive manner in which it has deployed them
to support its expanding ambitions.
Top US intelligence analysts and generals have admitted
being caught out by the 2011 flight-testing of China's new J-20 stealth
fighter. They were dumbfounded by China's subsequent deployment of the
East Wind 21D, the world's first anti-ship ballistic missile, dubbed the
''assassin's mace'' in China and ''the carrier killer'' in the West.
China is on track to triple its fleet of maritime strike aircraft by
2020, according to the US Congressional Research Service.
China is simultaneously developing and producing seven types
of submarine and surface warships. That's after a decade in which it
quadrupled its number of modern submarines, including nuclear submarines
designed to carry nuclear-armed ballistic missiles. It has massively
expanded production of corvettes, frigates, amphibious ships, and
destroyers. In September, it launched its first aircraft carrier.
The backstop for all these new platforms and capabilities is
the PLA's strategic missile force, which possesses conventional
ballistic missiles that can destroy satellites in space, as well as
several hundred nuclear weapons.
The dizzying display of hard power is sending fear and awe
throughout the Asia-Pacific region. But Xi, it seems, is unconvinced
that all this hardware can be effectively deployed by an organisation
designed for civil war and adapted as an internal security force.
High-ranking insiders say the Chinese military is rotten to
the core; formal hierarchies are trumped by personal patronage,
co-ordination is minimal, and corruption so pervasive that senior
positions are sold to the highest bidders while weapons funding is
siphoned into private pockets.
''Corruption has become extremely institutionalised and
significant,'' says Tai Ming Cheung, director of the Institute on Global
Conflict and Co-operation at the University of California/San Diego.
''It makes it much more difficult to develop, produce, and field the
weapons systems required to achieve world-class power projection.''
It's not just corruption. Politics have always played a key
role and the PLA retains a Soviet-style dual command structure. A
powerful political department sits at the centre of the organisation,
while political minders shadow commanders at every level of the enormous
hierarchy. The PLA is one of the world's largest bureaucracies - and
behaves accordingly. ''They have a meeting now for everything,'' says
Nan Li, associate professor at the US Naval War College's China maritime
studies institute.
Li says PLA military universities have even been reduced to
printing textbooks that instruct commanders how to transcend the tyranny
of committee-style decision-making. ''That shows how much the PLA has
been defeated by - corroded by - peace,'' he says.
Xi's associates believe he harbours even more serious
concerns. They note that Liu Yuan, the senior general who shocked the
party and military establishment after warning in an internal speech
that mafia-like knots of patronage and corruption were crippling the
PLA, did so only after getting a nod from Xi. ''Only our own corruption
can destroy us and cause our armed forces to be defeated without
fighting,'' Liu warned in December 2011.
The two ambitious princelings, as the privileged sons of
China's revolutionary leaders are known, have been friends since the
late 1970s.
Another close friend of the Xi family says Xi is so appalled
at the state of the PLA that he has focused his political capital on
whipping it into better shape and probing to see which generals he can
personally rely on. The family friend says Xi's relentless inspection
program and calls for combat readiness are designed less to prepare for
war than to filter out grossly incompetent, unwilling and disloyal
generals: ''To sort the horses from the mules you need to walk them
around the yard.''
Xi's associates point out that his first real job, as
personal assistant to the secretary-general of the Central Military
Commission, gave him a ringside seat for studying the art of
accumulating power as demonstrated by one of the world's great
strongmen, Deng Xiaoping. Deng tightened his ''grip on the gun'', as
Communist Party insiders put it, in part by mobilising the military for
an invasion of Vietnam in February 1979.
The lesson learned? ''Without the gun in your hand, who will
obey you?'' as Xi's close family friend puts it. ''So the first thing Xi
did after his rise was seize military control.''
That's where China's rapidly escalating territorial showdown
with Japan, still the world's third largest economy, comes in. Claims
that Xi has exploited or even orchestrated the brinkmanship with Japan
might seem preposterous to outside observers, given that a
miscalculation could lead to war. But the logic is compelling for those
who have grown up near the centre of China's endless and unforgiving
internal struggles.
But the spectre of war is not the only possible explanation
for Xi's saber rattling and demands for combat readiness. For even as
Japanese leaders and US officials were publicising their concerns about a
region on the brink of naval conflict, it became clearer that Xi and
his close military confidants remained squarely focused on domestic
politics. Indeed, Liu Yuan counseled that war with Japan would be
disastrous.
At the same time, another top-level document emerged: a
speech in December by Xi, in which he gave thundering confirmation that
the PLA's primary function was to defend the regime, not China. This was
the lesson learned from the Soviet Union's collapse, he said. ''In the
Soviet Union, where the military was depoliticised, separated from the
party, and nationalised, the party was disarmed,'' Xi warned, according
to an extract of his speech that was published by journalist Gao Yu and
broadly corroborated by other sources.
Nobody in the vast Soviet Communist Party, Xi affirmed, ''was man enough to stand up and resist''.
There is little doubt the Communist Party has been sharpening
its identity by defining itself against the West, fanning nationalist
fervor, and promising a restoration of ancient grandeur. Xi thus has
little choice but to keep pumping enormous resources into the war
machine if he is to justify his party's continuing monopoly on power.
Ultimately, however, Xi's speech affirmed that the PLA's
primary task was to defend the party against internal political threats.
The recent drums of war may be a sign of weakness more than strength.
China's provocations against Japan were ''evidence of profound domestic
insecurity rather than rational policy'', says a Beijing diplomat who
closely studies China's military machinations. ''It is the fact of party
control that makes the PLA weak. Everything else - the corruption, the
risk aversion, the hierarchy - is a symptom of that.''
The PLA is gaining the hardware but there are growing doubts
about China's fighting capabilities in some sections of the Chinese
military, foreign diplomatic corps, and US academia. They believe the
PLA lacks the co-ordination, command structures, training and incentives
to be a professional fighting force.
''Our assessment is they are nowhere near as effective as
they think they are,'' a Beijing-based defence attache from a NATO
country says. ''When Xi tells his troops to be ready for war, it's
really an admission that they're in disarray,'' says the attache. ''He's
saying, 'You guys are drunk, fat, and happy, siphoning off all the
money into private accounts, and you need to get real'.''
Four years ago
China revealed an assault gun version of its ZBL 09 8x8 wheeled armored
vehicle. This version has a small turret containing a 105mm gun, for
providing direct fire support for troops. There was already an artillery
version, carrying a 122mm howitzer in a larger turret. There are
several other versions, and apparently more on the way.
The Chinese Army has been recently referring to this vehicle
as a wheeled light tank. It’s unclear if this means a new doctrine about
how the ZBL 09/105mm is to be used, or if the vehicle remains assigned
to infantry support work with some extra training for shooting up other
armored vehicles. The 105mm gun carried is not powerful enough to
destroy most modern tanks, but could knock out most other armored
vehicles.
The basic ZBL 09 is a 21 ton vehicle that has a crew of three
and carries seven passengers. The vehicle is 8 meters (25 feet) long,
three meters (9.2 feet) wide and 2.1 meters (6.5 feet, to the hull roof)
high. It's amphibious, and has a top water speed of 8 kilometers an
hour. On roads, top speed is 100 kilometers an hour, and max road range
on internal fuel is 800 kilometers. The infantry carrier version has a
turret with a 30mm autocannon. There are also artillery versions
carrying either a 105mm or 122mm howitzer.
The ZBL 09 entered service in 2009, and some combat brigades
are being equipped with it, to operate somewhat like the American
Stryker brigades. China has been developing new wheeled armored vehicles
for over a decade. Until recently, these were all based on Russian
designs. The ZBL 09, however, borrows more ideas from the West. Still,
some of the more recent (five years ago) Russian type designs were
interesting, and instructive.
Back then, for example, the 18 ton, 6x6 WMZ551A model was
given a new turret. The vehicle has a crew of three and can carry nine
more troops. Using technology and weapons obtained from Ukraine, the new
vehicle has a 30mm autocannon, instead of 25mm. More importantly, the
new turret has an improved fire control system (containing a laser range
finder, and a vidcam that shows the vehicle commander what the gunner
sees.) This is apparently related to earlier Chinese efforts to upgrade
its BMP1 tracked infantry fighting vehicles, with BMP3 turrets from
Russia. These also have the 30mm cannon. The main problem with all these
upgrades was money. The government wanted Chinese-made weapons to be
used, as they are cheaper, and supply is more assured. But the Chinese
manufacturers didn't want to move up to the 30mm autocannon design just
yet. Many Chinese generals believed that the Chinese 25mm autocannon was
sufficient. All that has changed.
There was always agreement that an improved fire control
system was a good thing. But there was not much space available inside a
BMP. Some export models of the BMP3, when equipped with a thermal
imager, had to mount some of that gear on the outside of the vehicle.
There was also agreement that wheeled armored vehicles for the infantry
might be a better investment.
The Chinese have been observing NATO success in Iraq with the
Stryker and LAV wheeled combat vehicles. Chinese designers eventually
concluded that the roomier internal layout of Western vehicles did serve
a useful purpose, and the ZBL 09, and all the electronics installed in
it, are an example of what the Chinese learned.
China
has approved funding to develop core technologies for nuclear-powered ships
amid speculation about Beijing's
plans to build nuclear-powered aircraft carrier.
China Shipbuilding Industry Corp, one of the two dominant shipbuilders in China,
said that one of its research institutions has received State approval and
funding to formally begin research on core technologies and safety for
nuclear-powered ships, state-run China Daily reported today.
"Compared with ships that use conventional propulsion, nuclear-powered
ships can travel farther and are more reliable, factors that make the ships a
reasonable choice for polar expeditionary missions," Du Wenlong, a senior
researcher at the People's Liberation Army's Academy of Military Science, told
the Daily.
Many military followers link the announcement to widespread speculation that China
may develop its own nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, the Daily said.
"I think the research will definitely pave the way for our nuclear-powered
aircraft carrier," it quoted a micro-blogger who uses the name Shangoufu.
China launched
its first conventional aircraft carrier last year which is still undergoing
trials.
Du said he considers it possible that the Chinese navy's next carrier will be
equipped with nuclear propulsion.
"China
already has the technology and industrial capability to develop and build a
nuclear-powered aircraft carrier," he said.
"We already have nuclear-powered submarines, which require more
sophisticated technologies and manufacturing capabilities, so developing a
nuclear-powered carrier will not be difficult."
Li Jie, a professor at the PLA Naval Military Studies Research Institute, said
it is "more likely" that China will install nuclear reactors on its
next aircraft carrier.
"We have command over most of the essential technologies of building a
nuclear-powered carrier," he said, adding that some technical problems
still need to be resolved.
The US navy has
all but one of the world's nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, with 10 in
service after the USS Enterprise was deactivated in December.
The only operating aircraft carrier outside the US
is France's
Charles de Gaulle, also the first French nuclear-powered surface vessel.
China
has begun training its air force squadrons to carry out high intensity
operations on airports or air bases with two runways and supporting multiple
types of aircraft while doing so. This is a critical capability for “surge”
operations, in which aircraft carry out the maximum number of sorties for a day
or so. This is the kind of capability that gives Western air forces a big
advantage.
To make this work Western air forces have the
"maintainers" (of the aircraft) working 12 hour shifts. These well
trained ground crews can turn a returning aircraft around in 15 minutes,
complete with a new pilot, fuel, and weapons, plus a quick check for equipment
problems. For example, an F-16 squadron has 12 aircraft and a unit of 120
maintainers, including 37 NCOs ("Crew Chiefs") who supervise and do a
lot of the work. One American F-16 squadron used its 20 aircraft, forty pilots,
and very energetic and will trained ground crews to fly 160 sorties in 12
hours. This was an exceptional performance and not representative of combat
conditions, where many aircraft would come back with combat damage. This also
points out the need to have more pilots than aircraft, as the pilots are more
fragile than the aircraft they fly.
The most capable of these maintenance personnel are from the
U.S. Air National Guard. Unlike active duty maintainers, the National Guard
airmen have three to four times the years working on the aircraft and have
often worked on the same aircraft for 5-10 years. This gives the Guardsmen an
edge, as they know the quirks and weak spots of individual aircraft. The
maintainers become quite knowledgeable about individual aircraft, if only
because hours of work go into checking out an aircraft that has completed a day
of heavy operations. Dozens of maintenance panels have to be opened so that
items and lubricants can be checked for problems. Every 300 hours a more
thorough check is made, and during combat operations this usually means
removing the engine to check even more components. Even seconds before an
aircraft takes off, maintainers are rushing around the aircraft, running down
checklists for access panels that must be closed and pins that must be removed.
This final check includes visual inspection of bombs and missiles hanging off
the aircraft and moveable parts that must be in the right position.
When a squadron goes into surge mode it can mean round the
clock operations (as F-16s can operate day and night because of their night
vision sensors) that can result in individual aircraft flying half a dozen or
more sorties. The maintainers have to be particularly careful during a surge
because missing a problem can result in a lost aircraft, or at least an aborted
one as the pilot discovers something isn't working once the aircraft is
airborne. A surge usually takes place after the squadron has moved to a base in
a combat zone. In these situations the maintainers often sleep in tents near
the air strip, meaning they have to sleep through takeoffs and the other noises
of a wartime base (alarms going off for various emergencies and frequent small
arms fire from a range that is always set up so the Air Force security troops
can maintain their proficiency). If there's bad weather, you just work through
it. This is the sort of thing China
is now preparing for.
China
has also been making strides in recruiting higher quality recruits to be
maintainers and upgrading logistics systems so that the maintainers don’t run
short of fuel, spare parts, and other essential supplies. China
also has lots of modern aircraft that can surge and carry out the kind of surge
efforts Western air forces train for and carry out in wartime. Most Western
aircraft can fly three or more sorties per day for two or three days and one or
two per day indefinitely, as long as the spare parts and ground crews hold out.
Western air forces practice high sortie surge tactics far more than less
affluent nations. China
now has more money and they are spending it to move maintainers from several
squadrons to a base and have them practice generating a lot of sorties quickly
on dual runway airports. That’s how you win wars.