Kazakhstan Launches New Patrol Vessel Equipped with Belarusian Turret

Late last month, Kazakhstan officially launched the fifth vessel in the Project 0300 Bars (Leopard) class of patrol ships. The ship, called Sarbaz (205), has a displacement of 250 tons. The length of the ship is 42 meters and its width is 7.8 meters.

Sarbaz was launched on April 29 by Kazakhstan’s Zenit Uralsk Shipyard.  Once the ship is operational, it will be operated by the National Security Committee’s Border Service.

Kazakhstan already has four other vessels of the Project 0300 class, named Sardar, Sakshi, Zhenis, and Semser. All of these were launched over the last decade and carry out patrol work on Kazakhstan’s Caspian Sea coast. Additionally, Kazakhstan has three Project 0250 Bars MO rocket and artillery boats, which are based on the Project 0300 vessels.

Notably, Sarbaz comes equipped with a remote-controlled turret made by Belarus, a distinction between it and the other Project 0300 vessels. The Kazakh Ministry of Defense had initially noted in its press release on the vessel’s launching that it had a remote-controlled combat module, but did not specify the type.

A week after Sarbaz was launched, Belarus’ State Military Industrial Committee announced that Sarbaz is operating the Adunok system, a remote-controlled weapons platform. The Adunok turret is typically found on land systems, but has a naval variant as well. It features a 12.7mm NSVT machine gun and a targeting system comprising three sensors: a video camera (2,000 meter range), a thermal vision camera (1,000 meter range), and a laser rangefinder (2,500 meter range). It has an effective engagement range of “not less than 1,000 meters.”

Though Sarbaz is the first Project 0300 vessel to be equipped with the Adunok, Belarus has supplied the system’s naval variant to Kazakhstan previously. The Project 0210 vessel Karagandy (308) – also produced by Zenit Uralsk Shipyard – was launched in 2014 with the Adunok turret.

The continuing cooperation between Belarus and Kazakhstan in the defense sector is beneficial to both of their military industries, and particularly for Belarus’ industry as Minsk seeks to expand its client base. Kazakhstan’s Zenit Uralsk Shipyard has orders at least through 2017, raising further possibilities for Astana and Minsk to work together. 

Kazakhstan interested in Russia's Iskander-M missile system deliveries

Kazakhstan has filed a request concerning  deliveries of Russian Iskander-M missile systems, Konstantin Biryulin, director of the Federal Service for Military Technological Cooperation, told journalists on Monday.

"There has been a request from Kazakhstan but no decisions have been made as of yet,” Biryulin told Itar-Tass, adding both sides are involved in a discussion.

 

Iskander-M (NATO reporting name SS-26 Stone) is a version of the Iskander tactical missile system supplied to the Russian Armed Forces. It is capable of hitting targets deep inside the enemy lines. The system’s firing range is up to 500 km. The complex comprises a launcher with two missiles, a missile-transporter loader, a command post vehicle, a technical maintenance vehicle, a set of arsenal equipment, a data processing unit, as well as training facilities.

The Caspian Arms Race

The leaders of the five Caspian Sea littoral states – Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan – frequently talk about the need for peace and security in the Caspian region. However, as the Caspian has taken on greater geostrategic importance, not least for its rich hydrocarbon reserves – rivalries and distrust between these countries has increased which, among other things, has made it increasingly difficult to reach a proper agreement or consensus over the legal status of the Caspian and how to divide it up fairly. As Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former national security adviser to US President Jimmy Carter wrote in his book, The Grand Chessboard, “a power that dominates Eurasia would control two thirds of the most advanced and economically productive regions of the world”. The Caspian Sea, with its massive oil and gas reserves, represents a significant chunk of this.

These rivalries have led to a significant increase in military spending. According to a new report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), while world military expenditure fell slightly in 2012 to $1.75 trillion (a fall of 0.5 per cent in real terms since 2011), in some regions, including the Eurasia/Caspian region, there was an increase: with all countries actively engaged in building up their capabilities. Unfortunately, such a military build-up serves to raise tensions in this already fragile and security-challenged region.

While Russia and Iran (to a lesser extent) have always had a strong naval presence since their independence, just over twenty years ago, the other three states have slowly built up their naval capabilities. Today, the level of militarisation is becoming dangerously high and over the years there have been numerous menacing confrontations. In 2001 Iranian jets and a warship carried out gunboat diplomacy on a BP research vessel prospecting in waters that Baku considers its own; in 2012 there were several incidents between Baku and Turkmenistan, while just a few weeks ago a Turkmen vessel was alleged to have come unnecessarily close to Azerbaijani oil fields. Ongoing naval military exercises, either unilaterally or between states, are also not conducive to stability and peace-building. And while Moscow has been rather belligerent over the possible construction of a TransCaspian pipeline between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, Iran’s erratic and unpredictable behaviour – along with its controversial nuclear programme – is of significant concern, seriously adding to the security deficit.

Russia’s Caspian Flotilla, which is based at Astrakhan, is its oldest naval fleet, dating back to 1722. It remains its strongest on the sea with Moscow having replaced many ageing vessels. Moscow is reportedly planning to add a further 16 new ships by 2020, including three new Buyan-class corvettes. The first is expected to be launched this year, with the others to be ready by 2014. Moscow is building up its naval air force, reportedly creating coastal missile units armed with anti-ship rockets capable of hitting targets in the middle of the sea. Missile cruisers of the Caspian flotilla are also now anchored off the coast of Dagestan. This naval presence is strengthened by military bases across Central Asia, Armenia and the occupied Georgian territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Russia, which has reportedly allocated some $55-60 billion for defence spending in 2013, has signaled this upgrading is linked to a possible military strike on Iran. According to Russian General Leonid Ivashov, who is now president of the Academy of Geopolitical Science, war with Iran would “end up at our borders, destabilise the situation in the North Caucasus and weaken our position in the Caspian region.” However, it is also no doubt linked to the internal situation in Russia. Because Russian President Vladimir Putin is increasingly losing support from the grassroots, Moscow may be trying to show strength in its foreign policy, demonstrating that Russia seeks to dampen the role of the West while strengthening its own. Hence this beefing up of the military goes hand-in-hand with Russia’s new reintegration projects, such as the Eurasian Union.

Meanwhile, Kazakhstan has also increased its defence spending. Last year the Kazakh government announced plans to spend some 8.6 billion for the period 2013-2015. In 2012, one quarter of the country’s defence budget was spent on re-armament, to replace some of what the country had inherited from the Soviet Union. Kazakhstan was the only Central Asian country that managed to get on the select list of Military Balance 2012 procurements, which featured two major deals: 40 S-300 air defence systems and 20 MIG-31 fighter jets.

Kazakhstan launched its first proper naval vessel in 2012, which it built itself. Other homemade combat vessels are also expected to be added to the fleet. Astana also bought at least two further missile boats and in 2013, Kazakhstan is expected to purchase more of these rocket-artillery ships. A marine training station is due to be opened in 2016 and Kazakhstan plans to turn the Aktau seaport into a hub for transporting military cargo from Afghanistan, bypassing Russia.

While Turkmenistan’s military has had a reputation of being poorly maintained and funded, in recent times Ashgabat has shifted up a gear, with President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov having signed a decree on the development of Turkmenistan’s navy up to 2015 in 2010. Still, according to SIPRI statistics it has comparatively low levels of defence spending of some $240 million. Nevertheless, Turkmenistan has enhanced its naval capabilities, building a naval base and naval academy in Turkmenbashi, and has bought several Russian and Ukrainian missile boats, as well as Turkish patrol boats. This beefed-up naval force is tasked with ensuring that the country’s interests in the Caspian Sea are protected. In September 2012, for the first time since gaining independence, Turkmenistan conducted a military exercise on the Caspian which was almost certainly aimed at showing that the country is able react to any attack on its oil and gas fields. Turkmenistan holds the world’s fourth-largest natural gas reserves, surpassed only by Russia, Iran and Qatar. Indeed, it is also likely that this naval force upgrade may be designed to match Azerbaijan, with which it continues to have strained relations amid continuing talks with Baku over three disputed fields.

Azerbaijan, meanwhile, has made no secret of its defence spending which is reported to be set at some $3.7 billion for 2013. Baku has purchased a number of capable naval weapons including Gabriel anti-ship missiles and Green Pine radar stations, which demonstrates that Azerbaijan is investing in defence. Still, while Baku has increased its naval capabilities, more focus has been placed on its land and air forces as a result of the security situation surrounding its ongoing conflict with neighbouring Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding occupied territories. Relations between Baku and Tehran also remain tense, not least as a consequence of Azerbaijan’s close ties to Israel and Tehran’s reported efforts to destabilize Azerbaijan by supporting radical Islamic groups in the country. Furthermore, with Iran heading towards presidential elections, Tehran’s feelings of insecurity and paranoia may further increase. Iran’s large (30 million) ethnic Azerbaijani population is viewed as a potential source of trouble and instability and there have been some recent signals that an awakening may be in the offing, including during a recent football match when fans chanted that Iran’s East Azerbaijan province was not part of Iran.

Despite the painful economic sanctions placed on Iran, Tehran continues to have a sizeable naval fleet – although many of the vessels date back to the Shah’s era. Tehran is slowly moving to modernise and spends an estimated $10 billion on defence. Already in control of some 100 missile boats, the Iranian Navy and IRGC regularly carry out exercises including laying mines. In March Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad announced that the presence of Iran’s newly-launched, and domestically made, Jamaran-2 destroyer in the Caspian Sea would “guarantee security” in the region. At least two others are planned. According to Ahmadinejad, “without doubt, all neighbouring countries are happy with the Iranian Navy’s achievements because they consider these advancements as a step towards their own security in the region”. Ahmadinejad could not be more wrong. 

Coincidentally, the Iranian destroyer was launched on the eve of the start of bilateral talks between Azerbaijan and Russia on the Caspian Sea delimitation issues.

External actors, in particular the US, have unfortunately added to the tensions. Washington, which has used Baku and Aktau to transit equipment to Afghanistan, has given naval development assistance and training to Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. It has also strongly supported the development – as has the EU – of the TransCaspian pipeline, which has irritated Moscow. The main interest of the US – above and beyond the regions importance vis-à-vis its operations in Afghanistan, would seem to be to keep a geopolitical check on the two major Caspian naval powers, Iran and Russia.

The current militarisation of the Caspian directly affects the whole security architecture of the region. While realistically it seems very unlikely that any of the Caspian states would use their navies against each other, it cannot be totally ruled out, particularly in the event of a military strike on Iran, which would create bedlam in the region.

The current military build-up is detrimental to efforts to increase regional stability and trust. However, with no progress seemingly being made towards resolving the Caspian border and legal status issue, and the region facing many security-related challenges – whether related to protracted conflicts, border disputes or water, unfortunately it seems unlikely that any move towards demilitarisation will take place any time soon. Moreover, there is a risk of further escalation as a consequence of the US pull-out from Afghanistan in 2014, which could possibly exacerbate regional security still further, bringing risks of increased drug and people trafficking as well as the spread of radical Islamists throughout the region.

'Russian Media' - Arson suspected as fire destroys Syrian consulate in Kazakhstan

In a disturbing sign that the violence in Syria may be spreading beyond its borders, police in Almaty are investigating an attack that seriously damaged the Arab Republic’s Consulate offices.

The upper floors of the building sustained heavy damage in the attack, which Syrian diplomats believe was intentionally targeted, according to the KTK television station.

"The second and third floors of this country's one and only diplomatic mission in Kazakhstan were completely destroyed,” according to the station. “Diplomats believe the arsonists targeted the third floor intentionally.”

The Consulate’s third floor housed the offices of the Syrian honorary consul, together with important documents.

The fire also damaged guest rooms and a meeting hall.

“Consulate employees believe Molotov cocktails were thrown at the building,” according to the report. “However, valuable items inside of the Consulate were not damaged.”

Police are now investigating the incident, the station said.

Meanwhile, the Syrian diplomats are blaming the attack on “radical religious organizations” and individuals who could potentially "resort to anything.”

Syria's Honorary Consul to Kazakhstan Samir al-Dara explained in an interview with KTK the level of violence that has hit the Syrian community in Kazakhstan.

“They set fire to a house today and they could kill someone tomorrow,” he said. “I have no idea. I cannot live here any longer."

U.S. courts Uzbekistan as Afghan drawdown nears

Kazakhstan — The bloodiest massacre of protesters since Tiananmen Square turned Uzbekistan into a pariah state. Now, the United States needs its help over Afghanistan — and has launched a flurry of overtures while putting aside concerns over human rights.

Top U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, have paid courtesy calls over the past year, while General Motors and other major U.S. companies look determined to deepen their involvement in the Central Asian nation.

Meanwhile, Uzbekistan has withdrawn from a Russian-led military alliance, signaling a downturn in its relations with the former overlords in Moscow. This has fed speculation that the nation, hoping to benefit from the transit of U.S. troops and hardware, could invite the United States to set up a military base on its soil — a development that would infuriate Russia and raise tensions in the volatile region.

Uzbekistan has been run with unflinching severity by 74-year-old former Soviet party boss Islam Karimov since before the country gained independence in 1991.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Western leaders overcame their scruples in dealing with Karimov’s government and the United States secured a lease for the Karshi-Khanabad air base in Uzbekistan.

That all ended when government troops indiscriminately gunned down hundreds of protesters in the eastern city of Andijan in 2005.

Uzbek authorities expelled U.S. troops from the country in anger over Washington’s criticism and accused Western powers of complicity in the Andijan protests, which they said formed part of efforts to foment revolutions across the former Soviet Union. Uzbekistan has also been the subject of persistent allegations of torture of political prisoners and other human rights abuses.

With access to the country barred to almost all foreign reporters, verifying claims by some State Department officials that the rights situation has improved marginally is virtually impossible.

When NATO convoys through Pakistan began coming under sustained militant attack in 2009, U.S. military planners looked north and saw the makings of a route snaking thousands of miles through Central Asia and perennial strategic foe Russia.

Trucks carrying NATO goods are rolling across Pakistan’s border into Afghanistan again this week after the U.S. apologized to Pakistan for the deaths of 24 Pakistani troops last fall. But despite the additional expense, the safety of the northern route makes it a more attractive option.

Until now, the traffic through Uzbekistan has mainly gone in the direction of Afghanistan, but the priority in coming years will be shifted to reverse transit along the Northern Distribution Network.

The most reliable route starts on a recently completed railroad that crosses the Amu-Darya River, which marks Uzbekistan’s 82-mile border with Afghanistan, and provides the speediest and simplest transportation northward.

In an apparent effort to soothe concerns that the United States will abandon Central Asian as soon as its engagements in Afghanistan are wound down, investments enthusiastically backed by Washington are trickling in.

General Motors stepped up its local presence in November by opening a new engine plant. The GM Uzbekistan joint venture, in which the U.S. company controls a 25 percent stake, provides work for around 6,600 people and turns out 200,000 Chevrolet passenger vehicles annually.

In June, U.S. engineering giant KBR said it will provide its technology to develop a chemical plant in Uzbekistan that will seek to better exploit the country’s substantial natural gas reserves.

Still, U.S. officials hope to build on those types of achievements and a large congressional delegation is due soon for another round of diplomatic cordiality aimed at cementing business ties.

There are also increasing hints that the U.S. will intensify military ties with Uzbekistan. That development would dismay the advocacy community, which has for years been drawing attention to the country’s egregious rights record.

The U.S. in January waived a ban on providing military assistance to Uzbekistan, although the State Department insisted it would only be eligible to receive non-lethal equipment, including night vision goggles, uniforms, GPS devices and other defensive equipment.

Last week, Uzbekistan announced it had suspended its participation in the Russia-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization security pact.

“Dropping out of the CSTO means that something deemed more desirable by Karimov’s regime is available elsewhere. That’s highly likely to be material benefits and international respect garnered by being a partner on the drawdown in Afghanistan,” said Deirdre Tynan, Central Asia project director for the International Crisis Group.

Analysts across the former Soviet space have read the CSTO pullout as a prelude to closer cooperation with the United States.

“We will soon hear about how Uzbekistan has entered into a new strategic alliance and granted its territory for U.S. military bases,” said Vadim Kozyulin, Central Asia expert at the Moscow-based Russian Center for Policy Studies, in a research note.

A U.S. diplomat said on condition of anonymity that the United States has made no request to open a military base in Uzbekistan.

Such a base would deeply antagonize Moscow, which has historically tried to assert its say on what foreign military presence is permitted in a region it considers its geopolitical backyard. The United States already has an air base in neighboring Kyrgyzstan that it uses for ferrying troops in and out of Afghanistan and staging airborne refueling mission.

It looks possible that Central Asian governments could become recipients of U.S. military hardware as the Pentagon looks to limit the expense of hauling the materiel out of Afghanistan. The U.S diplomat said the process for the transfer of excess defense equipment would require approval from the State Department.

Russian daily Kommersant in June cited an unnamed government source in Kyrgyzstan as saying talks on a plan over exchanging military hardware for Afghan access were held during a March visit by Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta. The newspaper suggested similar agreements were in place with other governments, including Uzbekistan’s.

The centrality of Uzbekistan’s role in the Afghan drawdown means they will be in a strong bargaining position for obtaining as much as possible in return, however.

“There is a significant, even likely, chance that the Uzbeks get their hands on some lethal stuff that originally was not planned,” said Alexander Cooley, political science professor at Columbia University. “If the Uzbeks ask for some specific pieces of equipment and are at first denied, they’ll keep trying and bargaining until they get them”.

Kazakhstan Allows Russia to Resume Baikonur Launches - PM

Kazakhstan has given Russia permission to carry out launches from the Baikonur space center, Kazakh Prime Minister Karim Massimov said on Friday.

Russia and Kazakhstan have failed so far to reach an agreement on a new drop zone for the debris from Russian carrier rockets being launched from the Baikonur space center. The delay has already prevented Russia from launching a European weather monitoring satellite MetOp-B on May 23, and a cluster launch of Belarusian, Canadian, German and two Russian satellites on June 7.

“We agreed that Kazakhstan gives Russia permission for these launched,” Massimov said after talks with Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev.

Kazakhstan insists that in order for the zone to be used the two sides must sign an additional agreement to the Baikonur rent agreement, which has to be ratified by the Kazakh parliament.

Kazakh space agency Kazcosmos said that the talks on the new agreement began in 2008, but a draft document is still in the works.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union Baikonur, built in the 1950s, was leased by Russia from Kazakhstan for $115 million per year in rent to Astana until 2050. Russia, which also annually spends $50 million to maintain the space center’s facilities, intends to gradually withdraw from Baikonur and conduct launches from the Plesetsk Cosmodrome in the Arkhangelsk Region and to complete construction of the Vostochny space center in the Far East.

The Kazakhstan government to acquire 20 multi-role Eurocopter EC725 helicopters

Kazakhstan has signed a letter of intent to acquire 20 Eurocopter EC725 helicopters, marking a major new commitment for this medium-lift rotorcraft. These aircraft, which will be assembled in Kazakhstan, will be used by the country’s Ministry of Defense in a full range of mission applications.

The agreement, formalized at this month’s KADEX-2012 military exposition in Astana, further expands Kazakhstan’s relationship as a Eurocopter helicopter operator and industrial partner. It also provides a helicopter that is complementary to Eurocopter’s EC145, for which Kazakhstan is purchasing 45 under terms of a framework contract involving in-country assembly by the Eurocopter Kazakhstan Engineering 50/50 joint venture at Astana.

“With an ongoing success story based on the EC145 assembled locally in Astana, Eurocopter is proud to strengthen its strategic partnership with the Republic of Kazakhstan and Kazakhstan Engineering. Based on both a long term plan and mutual trust, our joint goal is to create a sustainable helicopter industry in Kazakhstan” said Olivier Lambert, Eurocopter’s Senior Vice President for Sales and Customer Relations. “We are confident that the unequalled versatility and operational performances of the EC725 make it the best choice to fulfill 21st century operational requirements”.

The EC725 is a member of Eurocopter’s 11-metric-ton Cougar military helicopter family. The most recent contracts have been signed with several military services including France, Brazil, Mexico, Malaysia, and recently Indonesia. Its capabilities are being clearly demonstrated by the rotorcraft’s current Afghanistan deployment with the French Forces in its Caracal version.

Designed for operations from land and ships, the multi-role EC725 is equipped with a de-icing system and is qualified for flight in cold weather conditions. Its avionics includes a four-axis autopilot, and the helicopter’s large cabin is complemented by the ability to carry a range of armament and sensors.

Thanks to all of these equipments, the EC725 will allow a large panel of missions that includes tactical transport, Search and Rescue (SAR), special operations (C.SAR), naval operations (from ships and land).

The Republic of Kazakhstan has already chosen the civil version of the EC725 (EC225) for governmental VIP transportation.

About Eurocopter

Established in 1992, the Franco-German-Spanish Eurocopter Group is a division of EADS, a world leader in aerospace and defense-related services. The Eurocopter Group employs approximately 20,000 people. In 2011, Eurocopter confirmed its position as the world’s number one helicopter manufacturer with a turnover of 5.4 billion Euros, orders for 457 new helicopters and a 43 percent market share in the civil and parapublic sectors. Overall, the Group’s helicopters account for 33 percent of the worldwide civil and parapublic fleet. Eurocopter’s strong international presence is ensured by its subsidiaries and participations in 21 countries. Eurocopter’s worldwide network of service centers, training facilities, distributors and certified agents supports some 2,900 customers. There currently are more than 11,300 Eurocopter helicopters in service in 149 countries. Eurocopter offers the most comprehensive civil and military helicopter range in the world and is fully committed to safety as the most important aspect of its business.

Russia to help Kazakhstan modernize Armed Forces

Kazakhstan is significantly modernizing its Armed Forces at present and Russia is ready to offer its’ most up-to-date armor to Kazakhstan. The samples will be presented at KADEX-2012 International Weapon and Armor Equipment Fair, Tengrinews.kz reports, citing Essen Topoyev, head of Russian delegation and RosoboronExport executive director’s adviser.

“Kazakhstan is working to bring its Armed Forces up to date. That’s why the country requires supplies of modern weaponry. First of all there will be changes in the Air Forces. Modern military aviation equipment will be provided to the Forces. Aero mobile forces will be reequipped as well; this will involve purchase of carriers and training aircrafts and helicopters,” he said.

According to Topoyev, who cited Kazakhstan Ministry of Defense, there will be significant changes in the Land Forces and Air Defense System. “We are also actively negotiating the possibility of equipping the Armed Forces with automated troop command and control system,” RosoboronExport expert said.

“RosoboronExport is ready to actively support Kazakhstan in all these directions in the framework of the strategic partnership. Kazakhstan Armed Forces will acquire an even more advanced, qualitatively new and up-to-date armor by 2015,” he said.

Russian weapons and military equipment samples that might be of interest for Kazakhstan will be presented at KADEX-2012 Fair that will be held in Astana on May 3-6. “For the first time Luchnik-E Air Defense Short-Range Missile System and ZU-23/30M1-3 modernized antiaircraft mount will be presented at the Fair,” he said.

Luchnik-E system is equipped with 16 missiles from Igla-S Portable Air Defense System and modern 24-hour optoelectronic target acquisition system that is able to follow four air targets at the same time.

ZU-23/30M1-3modernized mounting is equipped with Maugli-2M night vision siпрt and with a missile unit holding two Igla-S Portable Air Defense System missiles as well. “I am sure that this military equipment is highly attractive for export,” Topoyev said.